Britain’s 1807
abolition of the Atlantic slave trade did not end the institution of slavery in
Igboland, Nigeria. The people’s culture permitted them to have slaves, so
slavery continued for generations in a caste system with Amadi people viewed as
superior to Ohu and Osu people. The Osu caste system “is an ancient social
belief, which ascribes an inferior status to a group of people…causing them
limited social interaction with the rest of the community…” (944). The
exclusion of Ohu and Osu created a divide in the region politically, socially
and culturally which fueled into a system of injustice and inequality.
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| Igboland, in present-day Nigeria |
Amadi are descendants
of former masters, and they are viewed as freeborn with ancestral land rights,
political rights and social dominance. Ohu are descendants of ex-slave, and they
are viewed as property of freeborn with limited to no rights and many restrictions.
Osu are willing slaves still inferior to Amandi, but they are not scrutinized
as Ohu since they sacrifice themselves for the gods. In the beginning, Ohu
people had restrictions and limited rights politically, socially and culturally
such as marriage partners, religious expression and community positions such as
Onyishi - eldest man of a village. Marriage between Amadi and Ohu people was
frowned upon yet on occasion individuals intermarried. Since the Igboland
culture was patrilineal, Amadi men and Ohu women conceived Amandi children
whereas Ohu men and Amadi women conceived Ohu children, so the latter was viewed
as achieving the impossible. Ohu people were not allowed to participate in some
prestigious dances and masquerades. They could perform the more dangerous
religious rites or practices, not worthy of a freeborn, and their religious
labor was appropriate since slaves could not convert this spiritual role into
secular power. Even under their gerontocratic cultural system, the oldest male
Ohu descendent could not attain the important position of Onyishi since they
could not represent themselves or represent Amadi, in addition, their views
were not sought unless Amadi deemed it necessary.
As new forms of legislation
was enacted, Ohu people sought equality through protests and riots. When a
British captain appointed Ohu chiefs to the Native Court, Amadi protested by
stating “that at no point in time in the history of their people had a slave
presided over the affairs of the Amadi” (946). One solution to the uprising to
appease both sides was to appoint three Amadi chiefs to one Ohu chief on the
Native Court, but turmoil ensued with Amadi chasing the Ohu people out of their
settlements further creating a divide. In 1924 and 1927, riots between Amadi
and Ohu broke out. As a way to settle the dispute, Ohu were placed on
settlements. With the emigration of Ohu people looking for independence and
freedom from the social system, new settlements were established. Amadi
encouraged the separation because they felt living on the same land with Ohu
could tarnish their lineage, and the Ohu were no longer useful.
Beginning in the
1990’s, with on-going warfare, both parties established official associations. Ohu
fought for equal opportunities whereas Amadi fought for continued dominance. The
1991 elections for councillorship in Lejja marked a change in the long history
of the caste divisions between Amadi and Ohu. The election of an Ohu descendant
over an Amadi altered class status norms. The example lead some parts of
Igboland to judge people based on wisdom and worth rather than ancestral
lineage. This was a gain toward bridging the gap for political and social
inequality.
The struggle of
Ohu continued through the 20th century, although Ohu communities
were liberated through self-governance. They still had to live with the stigma
of the class divisions as it rose in the psyche of the Igboland people. In
2001, the News Agency of Nigeria reported, “…the despicable caste system is
still common in many parts of Igboland, where…Ohu…are subject to indescribable
social discriminations by other human being who feel that even beasts are
better than those affected.” (954).
After all the
legislative gains toward abolition of slavery in Igboland, the old ideas still
persist. It remains a historical reality because people known by their lineal
ancestry carry the past into the present, so legislation can’t change the
conscience of the people who identify with their history. Although Igboland has
come a long way from the 1807 abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, the
Igboland communities suffer from the effects of modern-day slavery. Nearly 200
years later, the fight for political, cultural and social inclusion for the Ohu
people continues.
Apeh, Apex A., and Chukwuma C. Opata. 2009. “Social Exclusion:
An Aftermath of the Abolition of Slave Trade in Northern Igboland, Nigeria”. The
William and Mary Quarterly 66 (4). Omohundro Institute of Early American
History and Culture: 939–58. http://www.jstor.org.butte.idm.oclc.org/stable/40467548.
